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In her article "War" for the Encyclopedia of the Quran, Crone says fighting is legitimised in the Quran for self defence, including pre-emptively ({{Quran|9|8}} and {{Quran|60|2}}), as well as for the defence of others ({{Quran|4|75}}) and against treaty breakers ({{Quran-range|9|13|14}}). She says that throughout the Quran it is stressed that fighting must stop when the enemy does so and the language of forgiveness is reiterated amidst the often militant language. To Crone, the only verse which seems to endorse aggressive warfare is {{Quran|9|29}}, though this perhaps can be read as a continuation of {{Quran-range|9|1|23}} concerning the treaty breakers.<ref name="CroneWarSummary">A brief summary of Crone's Encyclopedia of the Quran article can be seen[https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/Islamic_International_Law_and_Jihad_War/YgazDwAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=PA22&printsec=frontcover here]</ref>
In her article "War" for the Encyclopedia of the Quran, Crone says fighting is legitimised in the Quran for self defence, including pre-emptively ({{Quran|9|8}} and {{Quran|60|2}}), as well as for the defence of others ({{Quran|4|75}}) and against treaty breakers ({{Quran-range|9|13|14}}). She says that throughout the Quran it is stressed that fighting must stop when the enemy does so and the language of forgiveness is reiterated amidst the often militant language. To Crone, the only verse which seems to endorse aggressive warfare is {{Quran|9|29}}, though this perhaps can be read as a continuation of {{Quran-range|9|1|23}} concerning the treaty breakers.<ref name="CroneWarSummary">A brief summary of Crone's Encyclopedia of the Quran article can be seen[https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/Islamic_International_Law_and_Jihad_War/YgazDwAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=PA22&printsec=frontcover here]</ref>


Modernists stress the oppressive environment and danger faced by the early community, pointing out that the Quran itself mentions a number of times that the believers were forced to migrate to Medina, and according to early tradition (especially the first letter of 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr), previously migrated to Abyssinia following the first and second fitnas (persecutions), respectively.
Modernists stress the oppressive environment and danger faced by the early community, pointing out that the Quran itself mentions a number of times that the believers were forced to migrate to Medina. According to the first letter of 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr (d. 713 CE), the believers first migrated to Abyssinia before returning to Mecca, and later migrated to Medina due to what he calls ''al-fitnah al-ūlā'' and ''al-fitnah al-ākhira'' (the first and final trials of persecution), respectively. Similar terminology was used at a later time in reference to the Islamic civil wars in the early decades after Muhammad's death.


In the sections below, important Quranic themes and verses are examined, along with their interpretations by traditional Muslim scholars, Islamic modernists and modern academic scholars. Early Islamic historical literature is also discussed in relation to the interpretations of the verses.
In the sections below, important Quranic themes and verses are examined, along with their interpretations by traditional Muslim scholars, Islamic modernists and modern academic scholars. Early Islamic historical literature is also discussed in relation to the interpretations of the verses.


====Early fighting verses====
====Early fighting verses====
There was a consensus among commentators that {{Quran|2|217}} was revealed following a caravan raid which was controversial in terms of whether or not the sacred months in which fighting was prohibited had finished.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' p. 57</ref> This raid was the first expedition mentioned by 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr in his letters about the early history of Islam. These letters are regarded as an important early source and the relevant letters are summarised in a later section in this article. In that verse, the Quran justifies killing in the sacred months in the context of the "fitna" (oppression) and forced migration of the believers to Medina.
There was a consensus among commentators that {{Quran|2|217}} was revealed following a caravan raid which was controversial in terms of whether or not the sacred months in which fighting was prohibited had finished.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' p. 57</ref> This raid was the first expedition mentioned by 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr in his letters about the early history of Islam. These letters are regarded as an important early source and the relevant letters are summarised in a later section in this article. In that verse, the Quran justifies killing in the sacred months in the context of the "fitna" (trial of oppression) and forced migration of the believers to Medina.


There was considerable discussion about the scope of the obligation to fight mentioned in the previous verse, Q 2:216, especially on whether it was a collective obligation (fard kifiya) that could be met by just a group of believers without involving everyone. In this regard, {{Quran|9|122}} was also a key verse ("And the believers should not all go out to fight [...]").<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' pp. 60-61</ref>
There was considerable discussion about the scope of the obligation to fight mentioned in the previous verse, Q 2:216, especially on whether it was a collective obligation (fard kifiya) that could be met by just a group of believers without involving everyone. In this regard, {{Quran|9|122}} was also a key verse ("And the believers should not all go out to fight [...]").<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' pp. 60-61</ref>
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Mohammad Khalil in his academic book on Jihad describes the views of medieval commentators as well as modern interpretations of the key verses.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad, Radicalism and the New Atheism'', Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017</ref> Khalil notes that the conditional instruction to end hostilities when the enemies "cease" in Q 2:193 was reinterpreted by medieval exegetes to mean that they have ceased not only fighting but also their disbelief.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 12</ref>  
Mohammad Khalil in his academic book on Jihad describes the views of medieval commentators as well as modern interpretations of the key verses.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad, Radicalism and the New Atheism'', Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017</ref> Khalil notes that the conditional instruction to end hostilities when the enemies "cease" in Q 2:193 was reinterpreted by medieval exegetes to mean that they have ceased not only fighting but also their disbelief.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 12</ref>  


This was in line with their interpretation that fitna here means shirk, associating partners with Allah (or kufr, disbelief), based on narrations recorded by al-Tabari attributing this view to Ibn Abbas and several of the tabi'un (successor generation). Javad Hashmi, an Islamic modernist and academic, notes the defensive principles apparent in the passage, and argues that in the Quran fitna simply means religious persecution, pointing to the related verse {{Quran|2|217}} quoted above which seems to define fitna in terms of obstruction of worship (though it also says "and disbelief in Him"<ref>Hashmi awkwardly glosses this as [while] disbelieving in Him, but perhaps "and to disbelief in Him" is a more plausible alternative in keeping with his definition of fitna i.e. they turn people from the way of Allah and to disbelief.</ref>).<ref name="HashmiPart1-2hr12to22">[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9l_9WwaoDYQ Jihad, War and Peace in Islam by Dr. Javad Hashmi (Part 1)] - Youtube.com, April 2020 (see 2 hours 12 to 22 minutes)</ref> {{Quran-range|2|190|191}} in the above quote and {{Quran-range|8|34|39}} quoted below seem also to support the interpretation that fitna refers to oppression.  
This was in line with their interpretation that fitna here means shirk, associating partners with Allah (or kufr, disbelief), based on narrations recorded by al-Tabari attributing this view to Ibn Abbas and several of the tabi'un (successor generation). Javad Hashmi, an Islamic modernist and academic, notes the defensive principles apparent in the passage, and argues that in this context fitna simply means religious persecution, pointing to the related verse {{Quran|2|217}} quoted above which seems to define fitna in terms of obstruction of worship (though it also says "and disbelief in Him"<ref>Hashmi awkwardly glosses this as [while] disbelieving in Him, but perhaps "and to disbelief in Him" is a more plausible alternative in keeping with his definition of fitna i.e. they turn people from the way of Allah and to disbelief.</ref>).<ref name="HashmiPart1-2hr12to22">[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9l_9WwaoDYQ Jihad, War and Peace in Islam by Dr. Javad Hashmi (Part 1)] - Youtube.com, April 2020 (see 2 hours 12 to 22 minutes)</ref> {{Quran-range|2|190|191}} in the above quote and {{Quran-range|8|34|39}} quoted below seem also to support the interpretation that fitna here refers to oppression.  


Medieval commentators interpreted fitna as shirk/kufr and the command to fight in Q 2:193 and Q 8:39 in terms of religious expansionism, supported by a famous hadith shown below. Some scholars like Ibn Taymiyyah interpreted that narration in a more limited sense through the Quran, in terms of fighting those who are waging war but not if there is a peace treaty. Modernists typically question its authenticity altogether (in line with the modern academic view that hadiths in general cannot be relied upon at face value).
Medieval commentators interpreted fitna as shirk/kufr and the command to fight in Q 2:193 and Q 8:39 in terms of religious expansionism, supported by a famous hadith shown below. Some scholars like Ibn Taymiyyah interpreted that narration in a more limited sense through the Quran, in terms of fighting those who are waging war but not if there is a peace treaty. Modernists typically question its authenticity altogether (in line with the modern academic view that hadiths in general cannot be relied upon at face value).
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{{Quote|{{Quran|9|5}}|And when the sacred months have passed, then kill the polytheists wherever you find them and capture them and besiege them and sit in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they should repent, establish prayer, and give zakah, let them [go] on their way. Indeed, Allah is Forgiving and Merciful.}}
{{Quote|{{Quran|9|5}}|And when the sacred months have passed, then kill the polytheists wherever you find them and capture them and besiege them and sit in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they should repent, establish prayer, and give zakah, let them [go] on their way. Indeed, Allah is Forgiving and Merciful.}}


The same language (capture them and kill them wherever you find them) is directed at the hypocrites in {{Quran-range|4|88|90}}, with reprieve for those who do not want to fight the believers or who flee to a place where they are protected by treaty. Unlike in Q 9:5, they do not need to convert to Islam, which is a condition not present in earlier fighting verses. A similar phrase appears also in Q 2:191, in the passage discussed above where they need only cease fighting and oppression. In the early part of surah 9, patience has run out for those proven untrustworthy to abide by their treaties. They must repent and join the religion (or perhaps just just observe prayer and zakat<ref>[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9l_9WwaoDYQ Jihad, War and Peace in Islam by Dr. Javad Hashmi (Part 1)] - Youtube.com, April 2020 (see 2 hours 35 minutes)</ref>), individually seek protection, or die.
The same language (capture them and kill them wherever you find them) is directed at the hypocrites in {{Quran-range|4|88|90}}, with reprieve for those who do not want to fight the believers or who flee to a place where they are protected by treaty. Unlike in Q 9:5, they do not need to convert to Islam, which is a condition not present in earlier fighting verses. A similar phrase appears also in Q 2:191, in the passage discussed above where they need only cease fighting and oppression. In the early part of surah 9, patience has run out for those proven untrustworthy to abide by their treaties. They must repent and join the religion (or perhaps just observe prayer and zakat<ref>[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9l_9WwaoDYQ Jihad, War and Peace in Islam by Dr. Javad Hashmi (Part 1)] - Youtube.com, April 2020 (see 2 hours 35 minutes)</ref>), individually seek protection, or die.


Khalil writes that Q 9:5 was interpreted by scholars in the Umayyad and Abbasid imperial centres as abrogating certain earlier verses and opening the door for expansionst warfare against pagans, not just the treaty breakers who are explicitly the target of the verse. In contrast, scholars who did not live near these centres or lived at later times did not hold such a view and had a far more conservative opinion on abrogation generally.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 13</ref> A minority extreme view was that "all" peaceful passages were abrogated.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 16</ref> See also the introductory discussion in [[List of Abrogations in the Qur'an]].
Khalil writes that Q 9:5 was interpreted by scholars in the Umayyad and Abbasid imperial centres as abrogating certain earlier verses and opening the door for expansionst warfare against pagans, not just the treaty breakers who are explicitly the target of the verse. In contrast, scholars who did not live near these centres or lived at later times did not hold such a view and had a far more conservative opinion on abrogation generally.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 13</ref> A minority extreme view was that "all" peaceful passages were abrogated.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 16</ref> See also the introductory discussion in [[List of Abrogations in the Qur'an]].
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The letters of 'Urwa are free from miraculous or other embellishments seen in later sources, and are taken to be an important early source on Muhammad by academic scholars like Sean Anthony, who translates them in full in ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith''. The letters broadly come in two recensions (preserved in the work of al-Tabari and some narratives also in other sources). Goerke, Motzki, and Schoeler have robustly defended the authenticity of the letters of 'Urwa as probably in some way originating from him, arguing that several traditions can convincingly be traced back to 'Urwa.<ref>See in particular pp. 16-21 of Goerke, A, Motzki, H & Schoeler, G (2012) [https://www.pure.ed.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/12692843/First_Century_Sources_for_the_Life_of_Muhammad_a_debate.pdf First-Century Sources for the Life of Muhammad? A Debate], Der Islam, vol. 89, no. 2, pp. 2-59. https://doi.org/10.1515/islam-2012-0002</ref>  
The letters of 'Urwa are free from miraculous or other embellishments seen in later sources, and are taken to be an important early source on Muhammad by academic scholars like Sean Anthony, who translates them in full in ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith''. The letters broadly come in two recensions (preserved in the work of al-Tabari and some narratives also in other sources). Goerke, Motzki, and Schoeler have robustly defended the authenticity of the letters of 'Urwa as probably in some way originating from him, arguing that several traditions can convincingly be traced back to 'Urwa.<ref>See in particular pp. 16-21 of Goerke, A, Motzki, H & Schoeler, G (2012) [https://www.pure.ed.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/12692843/First_Century_Sources_for_the_Life_of_Muhammad_a_debate.pdf First-Century Sources for the Life of Muhammad? A Debate], Der Islam, vol. 89, no. 2, pp. 2-59. https://doi.org/10.1515/islam-2012-0002</ref>  


'Urwa's first letter describes the persecution of Muhammad and his early followers, forcing some of them to flee to Abyssinia and later to Medina. The second letter concerns Muhammad's marriage to Aisha. His third letter concerns the battle of Badr. It mentions that the first war with the Quraysh was triggered by a small party, some of whom were companions sent by Muhammad, which conducted a raid on the Quraysh at Nakhlah (later biographies portray Muhammad as just sending them on an observational mission, but that the companions decided to raid the caravan in controversial circumstances). The letter recounts that Muhammad later decided to raid Abu Sufyan and a small number of Quraysh on their return from a trading expedition in Syria. The latter were able to call reinforcements by the time they encountered Muhammad and his forces at Badr, but were nevertheless defeated. Badr was the first of nine major battles or seiges fought by Muhammad based on other early sources.  
'Urwa's first letter describes the persecution of Muhammad and his early followers, forcing some of them to flee to Abyssinia and later to Medina. The second letter concerns Muhammad's marriage to Aisha. His third letter concerns the battle of Badr. Before getting to that event he mentions a raid conducted on a Quraysh caravan at Nakhla by a small party, some of whom were companions sent by Muhammad (later biographies portray Muhammad as just sending them on an observational mission, but that the companions decided to raid the caravan in controversial circumstances). One man was killed and some captives were taken from the caravan. According to the letter, "It was this event that provoked the war between the Messenger of God and the Quraysh, and the first conflict in which they inflicted casualties on one another." The letter recounts that Muhammad later decided to raid Abu Sufyan and a small number of Quraysh on their return from a trading expedition in Syria. The latter were able to call reinforcements by the time they encountered Muhammad and his forces at Badr, but were nevertheless defeated. Badr was the first of nine major battles or seiges fought by Muhammad based on other early sources.  


The fourth letter details the treaty of Hudaybiya between the Medinans and Meccans in 928 CE, the topic of {{Quran-range|60|10|12}}. The fifth letter details the fairly bloodless conquest of Mecca enabled by a Meccan violation of the treaty after they had sent arms to an allied clan who were fighting another clan allied to Muhammad. It also describes a battle at Hunayn in 630 CE, briefly mentioned as one of many victorious battles in {{Quran-range|9|25|26}}. This battle was against two Arab clans, Hawazin and Thaqif, who had camped at Hunayn in preparation to attack the believers in Mecca, having previously thought that Muhammad was coming for them when he left Medina on his way there. The tribes were defeated and their women, children and cattle taken as booty. Muhammad led his troops straight on to al-Ta'if where he beseiged the Thaqif stronghold for two weeks. Afterwards, he freed the captives from the battle at Hunayn as they had accepted Islam. Delegates from Thaqif gave their allegiance and secured a treaty with Muhammad when he had returned to Medina. The remaining letters concern a range of topics not relevant to this article.<ref>'Urwa's letters are translated in full in chapter 4 of ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith'' by Sean Anthony</ref>
The fourth letter details the treaty of Hudaybiya between the Medinans and Meccans in 928 CE, the topic of {{Quran-range|60|10|12}}. The fifth letter details the fairly bloodless conquest of Mecca enabled by a Meccan violation of the treaty after they had sent arms to an allied clan who were fighting another clan allied to Muhammad. It also describes a battle at Hunayn in 630 CE, briefly mentioned as one of many victorious battles in {{Quran-range|9|25|26}}. This battle was against two Arab clans, Hawazin and Thaqif, who had camped at Hunayn in preparation to attack the believers in Mecca, having previously thought that Muhammad was coming for them when he left Medina on his way there. The tribes were defeated and their women, children and cattle taken as booty. Muhammad led his troops straight on to al-Ta'if where he beseiged the Thaqif stronghold for two weeks. Afterwards, he freed the captives from the battle at Hunayn as they had accepted Islam. Delegates from Thaqif gave their allegiance and secured a treaty with Muhammad when he had returned to Medina. The remaining letters concern a range of topics not relevant to this article.<ref>'Urwa's letters are translated in full in chapter 4 of ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith'' by Sean Anthony</ref>
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Islamic Modernists tend to count all of the battles as defensive, especially in the overarching context of the danger from the Meccans. Khalil cites modern academic scholar Ahmed al Dawoody (who also taught at the famous al-Azhar University in Cairo) for arguing in his book, ''The Islamic Law of War'', that all Muhammad's major battles and sieges were defensive in nature (Dawoody defines these as Badr, Uhud, the Ditch, Khaybar, Hunayn and Ta'if). Such a view is, of course, contested. Khalil quotes Reuven Firestone as an example of a contrasting view who maintains that "it was Muhammad and not the Meccan Quraysh who initiated the battles" between them.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' p. 110 cited in Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 15</ref>  
Islamic Modernists tend to count all of the battles as defensive, especially in the overarching context of the danger from the Meccans. Khalil cites modern academic scholar Ahmed al Dawoody (who also taught at the famous al-Azhar University in Cairo) for arguing in his book, ''The Islamic Law of War'', that all Muhammad's major battles and sieges were defensive in nature (Dawoody defines these as Badr, Uhud, the Ditch, Khaybar, Hunayn and Ta'if). Such a view is, of course, contested. Khalil quotes Reuven Firestone as an example of a contrasting view who maintains that "it was Muhammad and not the Meccan Quraysh who initiated the battles" between them.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' p. 110 cited in Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 15</ref>  


According to the sῑra-maghāzī literature, near the end of his life Muhammad also launched expeditions to the north in an attempt to fight the Byzantines at Tabuk, and following the killing of his emissary bearing [[Invitation_to_Islam_Prior_to_Jihad|an ultimatum letter to Harith ibn Abi Shamir, King of Damascus]], also against their Ghassanid vassals resulting in the battle of Mu'tah, and to the south to destroy the idol of Dhu'l Khalasa. As discussed above, there are difficulties with the details of some of these accounts causing doubt and uncertainty among historians. The northern expeditions seem consistent with the ideology that the Ishmaelites were the righteous inheritors of the lands of Abraham, which they interpreted from certain verses of the Quran as mentioned above, and is seen in the ultimatum reportedly sent [[Invitation_to_Islam_Prior_to_Jihad|from the Ishmaelites to Heraclius]], recorded by a Christian historian writing in the 660s CE. The northern expedition stories could be a back-projection of this ideology, though both are reported as failures rather than triumphs (the Byzantines were nowhere to be seen at Tabuk, and the Ghassanids won at Mu'tah).
According to the sῑra-maghāzī literature, near the end of his life Muhammad also launched expeditions to the north in an attempt to fight the Byzantines at Tabuk, and, following the killing of his emissary bearing [[Invitation_to_Islam_Prior_to_Jihad|an ultimatum letter to Harith ibn Abi Shamir, King of Damascus]], also against their Ghassanid vassals, resulting in the battle of Mu'tah, and to the south to destroy the idol of Dhu'l Khalasa. As discussed above, there are difficulties with the details of some of these accounts causing doubt and uncertainty among historians. The northern expeditions seem consistent with the ideology that the Ishmaelites were the righteous inheritors of the lands of Abraham, which they interpreted from certain verses of the Quran as mentioned above, and is seen in the ultimatum reportedly sent [[Invitation_to_Islam_Prior_to_Jihad|from the Ishmaelites to Heraclius]], recorded by a Christian historian writing in the 660s CE. The northern expedition stories could be a back-projection of this ideology, though both are reported as failures rather than triumphs (the Byzantines were nowhere to be seen at Tabuk, and the Ghassanids won at Mu'tah).


===Jihad in the Hadith===
===Jihad in the Hadith===
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