2,743
edits
Jihad in Islamic Law: Difference between revisions
Jump to navigation
Jump to search
no edit summary
| [checked revision] | [checked revision] |
Lightyears (talk | contribs) No edit summary |
Lightyears (talk | contribs) No edit summary |
||
| (6 intermediate revisions by the same user not shown) | |||
| Line 1: | Line 1: | ||
{{QualityScore|Lead=3|Structure=3|Content=3|Language=4|References=4}} | {{QualityScore|Lead=3|Structure=3|Content=3|Language=4|References=4}} | ||
Jihad جهاد in Arabic literally means "struggle" coming from the Arabic verb جاهد jaahada meaning to "strive." Jihad fi sabil Allah جهاد في سبيل الله is thus literally "struggle/striving on the path of god." Historically, the use of the word jihad has been very wide semantically, with applications from war to spiritual discipline to reform and many, many things in between. Despite these wide and varied applications, though, the main meaning of jihad in Islamic law from the origins of the religion to the classic period to the present day continues to be armed struggle, either to expand the realm of Islamic political dominance or to defend Islamic lands from infidels, with the expansion of Islamic political dominance being part-and-parcel to a social and political system which advances the interest of the Muslim religion and induces the peoples conquered in this warfare to convert to Islam. This socio-political system, that of the [[dhimma]], is intimately connected to the institution of "jihad at-talab" جهاد الطلب the "jihad of request" involving the three-option offer that an Islamic force must make before commencing hostilities against an infidel enemy: 1. Conversion to Islam. 2. Payment of the [[jizyah]] and subjection to Islamic political dominion and the strictures of the [[dhimma]]. 3. Fighting until death. | Jihad جهاد in Arabic literally means "struggle" coming from the Arabic verb جاهد jaahada meaning to "strive." Jihad fi sabil Allah جهاد في سبيل الله is thus literally "struggle/striving on the path of god." Historically, the use of the word jihad has been very wide semantically, with applications from war to spiritual discipline to reform and many, many things in between. Despite these wide and varied applications, though, the main meaning of jihad in Islamic law from the origins of the religion to the classic period to the present day continues to be armed struggle. To scholars, this was either to expand the realm of Islamic political dominance or to defend Islamic lands from infidels, with the expansion of Islamic political dominance being part-and-parcel to a social and political system which advances the interest of the Muslim religion and induces the peoples conquered in this warfare to convert to Islam. This socio-political system, that of the [[dhimma]], is intimately connected to the institution of "jihad at-talab" جهاد الطلب the "jihad of request" involving the three-option offer that an Islamic force must make before commencing hostilities against an infidel enemy: 1. Conversion to Islam. 2. Payment of the [[jizyah]] and subjection to Islamic political dominion and the strictures of the [[dhimma]]. 3. Fighting until death. | ||
Jews and Christians were required to pay the ''jizyah'' while pagans were required to either accept Islam or die.<ref>{{cite web |title=Islam |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/Islam |work=Encyclopedia Britannica |location=New York |date=17 August 2021|access-date=12 January 2022}}</ref> Upon payment of the tax (''jizya''), the ''dhimmi'' would receive a receipt of payment, either in the form of a piece of paper or parchment or as a seal humiliatingly placed upon their neck, and was thereafter compelled to carry this receipt wherever he went within the realms of Islam - failure to produce an up-to-date ''jizya'' receipt on the request of a Muslim could result in death or forced conversion to Islam of the ''dhimmi'' in question<ref>{{cite book|last1=Yeʼor|first1=B|title=The decline of Eastern Christianity under Islam|date=2011|publisher=Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press|page=79}}</ref>. | Jews and Christians were required to pay the ''jizyah'' while pagans were required to either accept Islam or die.<ref>{{cite web |title=Islam |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/Islam |work=Encyclopedia Britannica |location=New York |date=17 August 2021|access-date=12 January 2022}}</ref> Upon payment of the tax (''jizya''), the ''dhimmi'' would receive a receipt of payment, either in the form of a piece of paper or parchment or as a seal humiliatingly placed upon their neck, and was thereafter compelled to carry this receipt wherever he went within the realms of Islam - failure to produce an up-to-date ''jizya'' receipt on the request of a Muslim could result in death or forced conversion to Islam of the ''dhimmi'' in question<ref>{{cite book|last1=Yeʼor|first1=B|title=The decline of Eastern Christianity under Islam|date=2011|publisher=Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press|page=79}}</ref>. | ||
| Line 8: | Line 8: | ||
==Jihad in the Qur'an and Sunnah== | ==Jihad in the Qur'an and Sunnah== | ||
===Jihad in the Qur'an=== | ===Jihad in the Qur'an=== | ||
The words "jihad" and "fighting" (قتال--Qitaal) appear frequently in the Qur'an. In his academic book on this topic, Reuven Firestone documents in detail the traditional interpretations of such verses. Regarding the key fighting verses in general, Firestone notes the lack of consistent tradition in commentaries on how to interpret them, while the legal literature fits the verses into an evolutionary schema of increasing permission to fight, from defensive purposes all the way to aggressive warfare. Firestone himself considers the verses to be inconsistent and to reflect different factions of believers who sought to influence Muhammad with their views on fighting, noting the abundant evidence in the Quran itself that there were groups strongly disinclined to fight. Disregarding the traditional chronology of verses, which is inextricably tied to the evolutionary model of later interpretation, he groups verses according to these factions.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam'', New York: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 64-69</ref> | The words "jihad" and "fighting" (قتال--Qitaal) appear frequently in the Medinan surahs of the Qur'an. In his academic book on this topic, Reuven Firestone documents in detail the traditional interpretations of such verses. Regarding the key fighting verses in general, Firestone notes the lack of consistent tradition in commentaries on how to interpret them, while the legal literature fits the verses into an evolutionary schema of increasing permission to fight, from defensive purposes all the way to aggressive warfare. Firestone himself considers the verses to be inconsistent and to reflect different factions of believers who sought to influence Muhammad with their views on fighting, noting the abundant evidence in the Quran itself that there were groups strongly disinclined to fight. Disregarding the traditional chronology of verses, which is inextricably tied to the evolutionary model of later interpretation, he groups verses according to these factions.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam'', New York: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 64-69</ref> | ||
Many modern academic scholars are influenced by the traditional evolutionary model regarding permission to fight, though other academics, as well as modernist Muslim scholars (from as early as the 19th century) and increasingly, Muslims scholars more widely are emphasising the Quran as the primary historical source for this period, which later historical material should be interpreted in light of rather than the other way around. | Many modern academic scholars are influenced by the traditional evolutionary model regarding permission to fight, though other academics, as well as modernist Muslim scholars (from as early as the 19th century) and increasingly, Muslims scholars more widely are emphasising the Quran as the primary historical source for this period, which later historical material should be interpreted in light of rather than the other way around. | ||
| Line 16: | Line 16: | ||
In her article "War" for the Encyclopedia of the Quran, Crone says fighting is legitimised in the Quran for self defence, including pre-emptively ({{Quran|9|8}} and {{Quran|60|2}}), as well as for the defence of others ({{Quran|4|75}}) and against treaty breakers ({{Quran-range|9|13|14}}). She says that throughout the Quran it is stressed that fighting must stop when the enemy does so and the language of forgiveness is reiterated amidst the often militant language. To Crone, the only verse which seems to endorse aggressive warfare is {{Quran|9|29}}, though this perhaps can be read as a continuation of {{Quran-range|9|1|23}} concerning the treaty breakers.<ref name="CroneWarSummary">A brief summary of Crone's Encyclopedia of the Quran article can be seen[https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/Islamic_International_Law_and_Jihad_War/YgazDwAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=PA22&printsec=frontcover here]</ref> | In her article "War" for the Encyclopedia of the Quran, Crone says fighting is legitimised in the Quran for self defence, including pre-emptively ({{Quran|9|8}} and {{Quran|60|2}}), as well as for the defence of others ({{Quran|4|75}}) and against treaty breakers ({{Quran-range|9|13|14}}). She says that throughout the Quran it is stressed that fighting must stop when the enemy does so and the language of forgiveness is reiterated amidst the often militant language. To Crone, the only verse which seems to endorse aggressive warfare is {{Quran|9|29}}, though this perhaps can be read as a continuation of {{Quran-range|9|1|23}} concerning the treaty breakers.<ref name="CroneWarSummary">A brief summary of Crone's Encyclopedia of the Quran article can be seen[https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/Islamic_International_Law_and_Jihad_War/YgazDwAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=PA22&printsec=frontcover here]</ref> | ||
Modernists stress the oppressive environment and danger faced by the early community, pointing out that the Quran itself mentions a number of times that the believers were forced to migrate to Medina | Modernists stress the oppressive environment and danger faced by the early community, pointing out that the Quran itself mentions a number of times that the believers were forced to migrate to Medina. According to the first letter of 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr (d. 713 CE), the believers first migrated to Abyssinia before returning to Mecca, and later migrated to Medina due to what he calls ''al-fitnah al-ūlā'' and ''al-fitnah al-ākhira'' (the first and final trials of persecution), respectively. Similar terminology was used at a later time in reference to the Islamic civil wars in the early decades after Muhammad's death. | ||
In the sections below, important Quranic themes and verses are examined, along with their interpretations by traditional Muslim scholars, Islamic modernists and modern academic scholars. Early Islamic historical literature is also discussed in relation to the interpretations of the verses. | In the sections below, important Quranic themes and verses are examined, along with their interpretations by traditional Muslim scholars, Islamic modernists and modern academic scholars. Early Islamic historical literature is also discussed in relation to the interpretations of the verses. | ||
====Early fighting verses==== | ====Early fighting verses==== | ||
There was a consensus among commentators that {{Quran|2|217}} was revealed following a caravan raid which was controversial in terms of whether or not the sacred months in which fighting was prohibited had finished.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' p. 57</ref> This raid was the first expedition mentioned by 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr in his letters about the early history of Islam. These letters are regarded as an important early source and the relevant letters are summarised in a later section in this article. In that verse, the Quran justifies killing in the sacred months in the context of the "fitna" (oppression) and forced migration of the believers to Medina. | There was a consensus among commentators that {{Quran|2|217}} was revealed following a caravan raid which was controversial in terms of whether or not the sacred months in which fighting was prohibited had finished.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' p. 57</ref> This raid was the first expedition mentioned by 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr in his letters about the early history of Islam. These letters are regarded as an important early source and the relevant letters are summarised in a later section in this article. In that verse, the Quran justifies killing in the sacred months in the context of the "fitna" (trial of oppression) and forced migration of the believers to Medina. | ||
There was considerable discussion about the scope of the obligation to fight mentioned in the previous verse, Q 2:216, especially on whether it was a collective obligation (fard kifiya) that could be met by just a group of believers without involving everyone. In this regard, {{Quran|9|122}} was also a key verse ("And the believers should not all go out to fight [...]").<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' pp. 60-61</ref> | There was considerable discussion about the scope of the obligation to fight mentioned in the previous verse, Q 2:216, especially on whether it was a collective obligation (fard kifiya) that could be met by just a group of believers without involving everyone. In this regard, {{Quran|9|122}} was also a key verse ("And the believers should not all go out to fight [...]").<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' pp. 60-61</ref> | ||
| Line 28: | Line 28: | ||
217 They ask you about the sacred month - about fighting therein. Say, "Fighting therein is great [sin], but averting [people] from the way of Allah and disbelief in Him and [preventing access to] al-Masjid al-Haram and the expulsion of its people therefrom are greater [evil] in the sight of Allah. And fitnah is greater than killing." And they will continue to fight you until they turn you back from your religion if they are able. And whoever of you reverts from his religion [to disbelief] and dies while he is a disbeliever - for those, their deeds have become worthless in this world and the Hereafter, and those are the companions of the Fire, they will abide therein eternally.}} | 217 They ask you about the sacred month - about fighting therein. Say, "Fighting therein is great [sin], but averting [people] from the way of Allah and disbelief in Him and [preventing access to] al-Masjid al-Haram and the expulsion of its people therefrom are greater [evil] in the sight of Allah. And fitnah is greater than killing." And they will continue to fight you until they turn you back from your religion if they are able. And whoever of you reverts from his religion [to disbelief] and dies while he is a disbeliever - for those, their deeds have become worthless in this world and the Hereafter, and those are the companions of the Fire, they will abide therein eternally.}} | ||
====" | ===="Fight them until persecution is no more, and the religion is for Allah"==== | ||
Q 2:190-94 is regarded as a particularly important passage in terms of the principles for fighting. | Q 2:190-94 is regarded as a particularly important passage in terms of the principles for fighting. | ||
| Line 40: | Line 40: | ||
Mohammad Khalil in his academic book on Jihad describes the views of medieval commentators as well as modern interpretations of the key verses.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad, Radicalism and the New Atheism'', Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017</ref> Khalil notes that the conditional instruction to end hostilities when the enemies "cease" in Q 2:193 was reinterpreted by medieval exegetes to mean that they have ceased not only fighting but also their disbelief.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 12</ref> | Mohammad Khalil in his academic book on Jihad describes the views of medieval commentators as well as modern interpretations of the key verses.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad, Radicalism and the New Atheism'', Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017</ref> Khalil notes that the conditional instruction to end hostilities when the enemies "cease" in Q 2:193 was reinterpreted by medieval exegetes to mean that they have ceased not only fighting but also their disbelief.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 12</ref> | ||
This was in line with their interpretation that | This was in line with their interpretation that fitna here means shirk, associating partners with Allah (or kufr, disbelief), based on narrations recorded by al-Tabari attributing this view to Ibn Abbas and several of the tabi'un (successor generation). Javad Hashmi, an Islamic modernist and academic, notes the defensive principles apparent in the passage, and argues that in this context fitna simply means religious persecution, pointing to the related verse {{Quran|2|217}} quoted above which seems to define fitna in terms of obstruction of worship (though it also says "and disbelief in Him"<ref>Hashmi awkwardly glosses this as [while] disbelieving in Him, but perhaps "and to disbelief in Him" is a more plausible alternative in keeping with his definition of fitna i.e. they turn people from the way of Allah and to disbelief.</ref>).<ref name="HashmiPart1-2hr12to22">[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9l_9WwaoDYQ Jihad, War and Peace in Islam by Dr. Javad Hashmi (Part 1)] - Youtube.com, April 2020 (see 2 hours 12 to 22 minutes)</ref> {{Quran-range|2|190|191}} in the above quote and {{Quran-range|8|34|39}} quoted below seem also to support the interpretation that fitna here refers to oppression. | ||
Medieval commentators | Medieval commentators interpreted fitna as shirk/kufr and the command to fight in Q 2:193 and Q 8:39 in terms of religious expansionism, supported by a famous hadith shown below. Some scholars like Ibn Taymiyyah interpreted that narration in a more limited sense through the Quran, in terms of fighting those who are waging war but not if there is a peace treaty. Modernists typically question its authenticity altogether (in line with the modern academic view that hadiths in general cannot be relied upon at face value). | ||
{{Quote|{{Muslim|1|30}}|It is reported on the authority of Abu Huraira that the Messenger of Allah said: | {{Quote|{{Muslim|1|30}}|It is reported on the authority of Abu Huraira that the Messenger of Allah said: | ||
| Line 48: | Line 48: | ||
I have been commanded to fight against people so long as they do not declare that there is no god but Allah, and he who professed it was guaranteed the protection of his property and life on my behalf except for the right affairs rest with Allah.}} | I have been commanded to fight against people so long as they do not declare that there is no god but Allah, and he who professed it was guaranteed the protection of his property and life on my behalf except for the right affairs rest with Allah.}} | ||
Hashmi argues that "religion is for Allah" in 2:193 and "religion is | Hashmi argues that "the religion is for Allah" in 2:193 and "the religion, all of it (l-dīnu kulluhu), is for Allah" in Q 8:39 should be understood not in a religious hegemonic sense, but rather in terms of the oppressed believers (hence, "fitna") not being forced to commit shirk, to include pagan gods besides Allah in their religion. His interpretation is one also mentioned by al-Tabari and Ibn Ishaq. The preceding verses, Q 8:34-38 arguably support this view better than they do the traditional interpretation. <ref name="HashmiPart1-2hr12to22" /> In further support of his interpretation, Hashmi has also argued that wiping out pagan religion would not have been a viable goal at that early, post-migration time period. It may also be worth noting that the first of 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr's letters states that Q 8:39 was revealed before Muhammad called the remaining Muslims in Mecca to migrate. | ||
{{Quote|{{Quran-range|8|34|39}}|34 But why should Allah not punish them while they obstruct [people] from al-Masjid al- Haram and they were not [fit to be] its guardians? Its [true] guardians are not but the righteous, but most of them do not know.<BR /> | {{Quote|{{Quran-range|8|34|39}}|34 But why should Allah not punish them while they obstruct [people] from al-Masjid al- Haram and they were not [fit to be] its guardians? Its [true] guardians are not but the righteous, but most of them do not know.<BR /> | ||
| Line 58: | Line 58: | ||
====Non-aggression / defensive principle==== | ====Non-aggression / defensive principle==== | ||
Khalil highlights Q 22:39-40 and Q 4:75 as early Medinan verses calling for fighting in self defence and the defence of others.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 9</ref> According to the traditional exegesis of the Qur'an in Sunni Islam (for example, Ibn Kathir), the first verse revealed to Muhammad about fighting was Q 22:39. In Q 22:40 even synagogues and churches | Khalil highlights Q 22:39-40 and Q 4:75 as early Medinan verses calling for fighting in self defence and the defence of others.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 9</ref> According to the traditional exegesis of the Qur'an in Sunni Islam (for example, Ibn Kathir), the first verse revealed to Muhammad about fighting was Q 22:39. In Q 22:40 even synagogues and churches are considered worthy of protection. | ||
{{Quote|{{Quran-range|22|39|40}}|Permission [to fight] has been given to those who are being fought, because they were wronged. And indeed, Allah is competent to give them victory.<BR /> | {{Quote|{{Quran-range|22|39|40}}|Permission [to fight] has been given to those who are being fought, because they were wronged. And indeed, Allah is competent to give them victory.<BR /> | ||
| Line 89: | Line 89: | ||
{{Quote|{{Quran|9|5}}|And when the sacred months have passed, then kill the polytheists wherever you find them and capture them and besiege them and sit in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they should repent, establish prayer, and give zakah, let them [go] on their way. Indeed, Allah is Forgiving and Merciful.}} | {{Quote|{{Quran|9|5}}|And when the sacred months have passed, then kill the polytheists wherever you find them and capture them and besiege them and sit in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they should repent, establish prayer, and give zakah, let them [go] on their way. Indeed, Allah is Forgiving and Merciful.}} | ||
The same language (capture them and kill them wherever you find them) is directed at the hypocrites in {{Quran-range|4|88|90}}, with reprieve for those who do not want to fight the believers or who flee to a place where they are protected by treaty. Unlike in Q 9:5, they do not need to convert to Islam, which is a condition not present in earlier fighting verses. A similar phrase appears also in Q 2:191, discussed above | The same language (capture them and kill them wherever you find them) is directed at the hypocrites in {{Quran-range|4|88|90}}, with reprieve for those who do not want to fight the believers or who flee to a place where they are protected by treaty. Unlike in Q 9:5, they do not need to convert to Islam, which is a condition not present in earlier fighting verses. A similar phrase appears also in Q 2:191, in the passage discussed above where they need only cease fighting and oppression. In the early part of surah 9, patience has run out for those proven untrustworthy to abide by their treaties. They must repent and join the religion (or perhaps just observe prayer and zakat<ref>[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9l_9WwaoDYQ Jihad, War and Peace in Islam by Dr. Javad Hashmi (Part 1)] - Youtube.com, April 2020 (see 2 hours 35 minutes)</ref>), individually seek protection, or die. | ||
Khalil writes that Q 9:5 was interpreted by scholars in the Umayyad and Abbasid imperial centres as abrogating certain earlier verses and opening the door for expansionst warfare against pagans, not just the treaty breakers who are explicitly the target of the verse. In contrast, scholars who did not live near these centres or lived at later times did not hold such a view and had a far more conservative opinion on abrogation generally.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 13</ref> A minority extreme view was that "all" peaceful passages were abrogated.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 16</ref> See also the introductory discussion in [[List of Abrogations in the Qur'an]]. | Khalil writes that Q 9:5 was interpreted by scholars in the Umayyad and Abbasid imperial centres as abrogating certain earlier verses and opening the door for expansionst warfare against pagans, not just the treaty breakers who are explicitly the target of the verse. In contrast, scholars who did not live near these centres or lived at later times did not hold such a view and had a far more conservative opinion on abrogation generally.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 13</ref> A minority extreme view was that "all" peaceful passages were abrogated.<ref>Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 16</ref> See also the introductory discussion in [[List of Abrogations in the Qur'an]]. | ||
Here are some views on the verse in the classical commentaries of Ibn Kathir and al-Qurtubi: | |||
{{Quote|Tafsir ibn Kathir on surah 9:5| وَهَذِهِ الْآيَةُ الْكَرِيمَةُ هِيَ آيَةُ السَّيْفِ الَّتِي قَالَ فِيهَا الضَّحَّاكُ بْنُ مُزَاحِمٍ: إِنَّهَا نَسَخَتْ كُلَّ عَهْدٍ بَيْنَ النَّبِيِّ(٩) ﷺ وَبَيْنَ أَحَدٍ مِنَ الْمُشْرِكِينَ، وَكُلَّ عَهْدٍ، وَكُلَّ مُدَّةٍ. | {{Quote|Tafsir ibn Kathir on surah 9:5| وَهَذِهِ الْآيَةُ الْكَرِيمَةُ هِيَ آيَةُ السَّيْفِ الَّتِي قَالَ فِيهَا الضَّحَّاكُ بْنُ مُزَاحِمٍ: إِنَّهَا نَسَخَتْ كُلَّ عَهْدٍ بَيْنَ النَّبِيِّ(٩) ﷺ وَبَيْنَ أَحَدٍ مِنَ الْمُشْرِكِينَ، وَكُلَّ عَهْدٍ، وَكُلَّ مُدَّةٍ. | ||
| Line 100: | Line 100: | ||
This holy verse is the verse of the sword, which Dahaak bin Muzaahim said of it "Verily it has withdrawn every covenant/treaty between the prophet, Allah's prayer and peace be upon him, and between any mushrik (polytheist/non-muslim), every covenant and every bond of aide."}} | This holy verse is the verse of the sword, which Dahaak bin Muzaahim said of it "Verily it has withdrawn every covenant/treaty between the prophet, Allah's prayer and peace be upon him, and between any mushrik (polytheist/non-muslim), every covenant and every bond of aide."}} | ||
Al- | Al-Qurtubi has this to say | ||
{{Quote|Tafsir of Al- | {{Quote|Tafsir of Al-Qurtubi on surah 9:5| | ||
...فَاقْتُلُوا الْمُشْرِكِينَ﴾ عَامٌّ فِي كُلِّ مُشْرِكٍ، لَكِنَّ السُّنَّةَ خَصَّتْ مِنْهُ مَا تَقَدَّمَ بَيَانُهُ فِي سُورَةِ "الْبَقَرَةِ"(٣) مِنَ امْرَأَةٍ وَرَاهِبٍ وَصَبِيٍّ وَغَيْرِهِمْ﴿ | ...فَاقْتُلُوا الْمُشْرِكِينَ﴾ عَامٌّ فِي كُلِّ مُشْرِكٍ، لَكِنَّ السُّنَّةَ خَصَّتْ مِنْهُ مَا تَقَدَّمَ بَيَانُهُ فِي سُورَةِ "الْبَقَرَةِ"(٣) مِنَ امْرَأَةٍ وَرَاهِبٍ وَصَبِيٍّ وَغَيْرِهِمْ﴿ | ||
حَيْثُ وَجَدْتُمُوهُمْ﴾ عَامٌّ فِي كُلِّ مَوْضِعٍ﴿... | حَيْثُ وَجَدْتُمُوهُمْ﴾ عَامٌّ فِي كُلِّ مَوْضِعٍ﴿... | ||
| Line 167: | Line 167: | ||
The letters of 'Urwa are free from miraculous or other embellishments seen in later sources, and are taken to be an important early source on Muhammad by academic scholars like Sean Anthony, who translates them in full in ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith''. The letters broadly come in two recensions (preserved in the work of al-Tabari and some narratives also in other sources). Goerke, Motzki, and Schoeler have robustly defended the authenticity of the letters of 'Urwa as probably in some way originating from him, arguing that several traditions can convincingly be traced back to 'Urwa.<ref>See in particular pp. 16-21 of Goerke, A, Motzki, H & Schoeler, G (2012) [https://www.pure.ed.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/12692843/First_Century_Sources_for_the_Life_of_Muhammad_a_debate.pdf First-Century Sources for the Life of Muhammad? A Debate], Der Islam, vol. 89, no. 2, pp. 2-59. https://doi.org/10.1515/islam-2012-0002</ref> | The letters of 'Urwa are free from miraculous or other embellishments seen in later sources, and are taken to be an important early source on Muhammad by academic scholars like Sean Anthony, who translates them in full in ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith''. The letters broadly come in two recensions (preserved in the work of al-Tabari and some narratives also in other sources). Goerke, Motzki, and Schoeler have robustly defended the authenticity of the letters of 'Urwa as probably in some way originating from him, arguing that several traditions can convincingly be traced back to 'Urwa.<ref>See in particular pp. 16-21 of Goerke, A, Motzki, H & Schoeler, G (2012) [https://www.pure.ed.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/12692843/First_Century_Sources_for_the_Life_of_Muhammad_a_debate.pdf First-Century Sources for the Life of Muhammad? A Debate], Der Islam, vol. 89, no. 2, pp. 2-59. https://doi.org/10.1515/islam-2012-0002</ref> | ||
'Urwa's first letter describes the persecution of Muhammad and his early followers, forcing some of them to flee to Abyssinia and later to Medina. The second letter concerns Muhammad's marriage to Aisha. His third letter concerns the battle of Badr. | 'Urwa's first letter describes the persecution of Muhammad and his early followers, forcing some of them to flee to Abyssinia and later to Medina. The second letter concerns Muhammad's marriage to Aisha. His third letter concerns the battle of Badr. Before getting to that event he mentions a raid conducted on a Quraysh caravan at Nakhla by a small party, some of whom were companions sent by Muhammad (later biographies portray Muhammad as just sending them on an observational mission, but that the companions decided to raid the caravan in controversial circumstances). One man was killed and some captives were taken from the caravan. According to the letter, "It was this event that provoked the war between the Messenger of God and the Quraysh, and the first conflict in which they inflicted casualties on one another." The letter recounts that Muhammad later decided to raid Abu Sufyan and a small number of Quraysh on their return from a trading expedition in Syria. The latter were able to call reinforcements by the time they encountered Muhammad and his forces at Badr, but were nevertheless defeated. Badr was the first of nine major battles or seiges fought by Muhammad based on other early sources. | ||
The fourth letter details the treaty of Hudaybiya between the Medinans and Meccans in 928 CE, the topic of {{Quran-range|60|10|12}}. The fifth letter details the fairly bloodless conquest of Mecca enabled by a Meccan violation of the treaty after they had sent arms to an allied clan who were fighting another clan allied to Muhammad. It also describes a battle at Hunayn in 630 CE, briefly mentioned as one of many victorious battles in {{Quran-range|9|25|26}}. This battle was against two Arab clans, Hawazin and Thaqif, who had camped at Hunayn in preparation to attack the believers in Mecca, having previously thought that Muhammad was coming for them when he left Medina on his way there. The tribes were defeated and their women, children and cattle taken as booty. Muhammad led his troops straight on to al-Ta'if where he beseiged the Thaqif stronghold for two weeks. Afterwards, he freed the captives from the battle at Hunayn as they had accepted Islam. Delegates from Thaqif gave their allegiance and secured a treaty with Muhammad when he had returned to Medina. The remaining letters concern a range of topics not relevant to this article.<ref>'Urwa's letters are translated in full in chapter 4 of ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith'' by Sean Anthony</ref> | The fourth letter details the treaty of Hudaybiya between the Medinans and Meccans in 928 CE, the topic of {{Quran-range|60|10|12}}. The fifth letter details the fairly bloodless conquest of Mecca enabled by a Meccan violation of the treaty after they had sent arms to an allied clan who were fighting another clan allied to Muhammad. It also describes a battle at Hunayn in 630 CE, briefly mentioned as one of many victorious battles in {{Quran-range|9|25|26}}. This battle was against two Arab clans, Hawazin and Thaqif, who had camped at Hunayn in preparation to attack the believers in Mecca, having previously thought that Muhammad was coming for them when he left Medina on his way there. The tribes were defeated and their women, children and cattle taken as booty. Muhammad led his troops straight on to al-Ta'if where he beseiged the Thaqif stronghold for two weeks. Afterwards, he freed the captives from the battle at Hunayn as they had accepted Islam. Delegates from Thaqif gave their allegiance and secured a treaty with Muhammad when he had returned to Medina. The remaining letters concern a range of topics not relevant to this article.<ref>'Urwa's letters are translated in full in chapter 4 of ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith'' by Sean Anthony</ref> | ||
| Line 173: | Line 173: | ||
Islamic Modernists tend to count all of the battles as defensive, especially in the overarching context of the danger from the Meccans. Khalil cites modern academic scholar Ahmed al Dawoody (who also taught at the famous al-Azhar University in Cairo) for arguing in his book, ''The Islamic Law of War'', that all Muhammad's major battles and sieges were defensive in nature (Dawoody defines these as Badr, Uhud, the Ditch, Khaybar, Hunayn and Ta'if). Such a view is, of course, contested. Khalil quotes Reuven Firestone as an example of a contrasting view who maintains that "it was Muhammad and not the Meccan Quraysh who initiated the battles" between them.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' p. 110 cited in Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 15</ref> | Islamic Modernists tend to count all of the battles as defensive, especially in the overarching context of the danger from the Meccans. Khalil cites modern academic scholar Ahmed al Dawoody (who also taught at the famous al-Azhar University in Cairo) for arguing in his book, ''The Islamic Law of War'', that all Muhammad's major battles and sieges were defensive in nature (Dawoody defines these as Badr, Uhud, the Ditch, Khaybar, Hunayn and Ta'if). Such a view is, of course, contested. Khalil quotes Reuven Firestone as an example of a contrasting view who maintains that "it was Muhammad and not the Meccan Quraysh who initiated the battles" between them.<ref>Reuven Firestone, ''Jihad'' p. 110 cited in Mohammad Hassan Khalil, ''Jihad'' p. 15</ref> | ||
According to the sῑra-maghāzī literature, near the end of his life Muhammad also launched expeditions to the north in an attempt to fight the Byzantines at Tabuk, and following the killing of his emissary bearing [[Invitation_to_Islam_Prior_to_Jihad|an ultimatum letter to Harith ibn Abi Shamir, King of Damascus]], also against their Ghassanid vassals resulting in the battle of Mu'tah, and to the south to destroy the idol of Dhu'l Khalasa. As discussed above, there are difficulties with the details of some of these accounts causing doubt and uncertainty among historians. The northern expeditions seem consistent with the ideology that the Ishmaelites were the righteous inheritors of the lands of Abraham, which they interpreted from certain verses of the Quran as mentioned above, and is seen in the ultimatum reportedly sent [[Invitation_to_Islam_Prior_to_Jihad|from the Ishmaelites to Heraclius]], recorded by a Christian historian writing in the 660s CE. The northern expedition stories could be a back-projection of this ideology, though both are reported as failures rather than triumphs (the Byzantines were nowhere to be seen at Tabuk, and the Ghassanids won at Mu'tah). | According to the sῑra-maghāzī literature, near the end of his life Muhammad also launched expeditions to the north in an attempt to fight the Byzantines at Tabuk, and, following the killing of his emissary bearing [[Invitation_to_Islam_Prior_to_Jihad|an ultimatum letter to Harith ibn Abi Shamir, King of Damascus]], also against their Ghassanid vassals, resulting in the battle of Mu'tah, and to the south to destroy the idol of Dhu'l Khalasa. As discussed above, there are difficulties with the details of some of these accounts causing doubt and uncertainty among historians. The northern expeditions seem consistent with the ideology that the Ishmaelites were the righteous inheritors of the lands of Abraham, which they interpreted from certain verses of the Quran as mentioned above, and is seen in the ultimatum reportedly sent [[Invitation_to_Islam_Prior_to_Jihad|from the Ishmaelites to Heraclius]], recorded by a Christian historian writing in the 660s CE. The northern expedition stories could be a back-projection of this ideology, though both are reported as failures rather than triumphs (the Byzantines were nowhere to be seen at Tabuk, and the Ghassanids won at Mu'tah). | ||
===Jihad in the Hadith=== | ===Jihad in the Hadith=== | ||