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Dhul-Qarnayn and the Alexander Romance: Difference between revisions
The consensus has strongly shifted towards a mid sixth century dating for the Neshana.
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==Background== | ==Background== | ||
The gargantuan conquests of Alexander the Great, stretching from Macedonia in the West to the river Indus in the East, left an indelible mark on all the regions where his troopers trode. Alexander founded cities, declared himself a god and the son of a god, solved the famous Gordian knot, initiated a new chapter in the history of civilizational exchange and spread Greek Hellenic culture far and wide. Dying at 33 of either alcohol overdose or perhaps poisoning, his legend quickly became larger than life. First Jews and then Christians claimed his as their own. Separately to the Greek recensions of the ''Alexander Romance'' traditions (known as ''Pseudo-Callisthenes''), a Syriac Legend with a distinctive storyline | The gargantuan conquests of Alexander the Great, stretching from Macedonia in the West to the river Indus in the East, left an indelible mark on all the regions where his troopers trode. Alexander founded cities, declared himself a god and the son of a god, solved the famous Gordian knot, initiated a new chapter in the history of civilizational exchange and spread Greek Hellenic culture far and wide. Dying at 33 of either alcohol overdose or perhaps poisoning, his legend quickly became larger than life. First Jews and then Christians claimed his as their own. Separately to the Greek recensions of the ''Alexander Romance'' traditions (known as ''Pseudo-Callisthenes''), a Syriac Legend with a distinctive storyline bears a close resemblance to the Quranic passage. This ''Syriac Alexander Legend'' has been intensively studied and academic scholars now date its composition to the mid sixth century CE, with a small interpolation around 629-630 CE to update it for a later situation (previously, the prevailing opinion had been that the entire text dated to 629-636 CE; see dating sections below). As the legend of Alexander spread, so too did the claims of his miraculous deeds grow in scope and size. | ||
===Historical vs Legendary Alexander=== | ===Historical vs Legendary Alexander=== | ||
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The next section of the story (18:65-82), in which Moses is taught lessons about justice by a servent of God, is in line with a contemporary genre of literature in which a wandering ascetic is upset by notions of divine justice demonstrated to him by an angel before the events are explained to him. In the section of his book quoted above, Reynolds goes on to highlight the work of Roger Paret who has demonstrated a connection between the Quranic justice story and a version of a sixth or early seventh century CE compilation of monastic tales, the ''Leimon'' (or Pratum Spirituale, Spiritual Meadow) of John Moschus (d. 619 CE).<ref>Ibid. p. 465. This particular tale was part of a supplementary set most likely added by one of Moschus' Palestinian disciples - See [https://twitter.com/shahanSean/status/1511047308070248457 this tweet] by Professor Sean Anthony and the preceding discussion - Twitter.com 2 April 2022 ([https://web.archive.org/web/20220404182553/https://twitter.com/shahanSean/status/1511047308070248457 archive])</ref> The basic structure of this story is identical to the Quranic passage, and has many similarities of detail though also differences.<ref>For an english translation of the relevant passage in the Spiritual Meadow see the screenshots in this tweet by Professor Sean Anthony [https://twitter.com/shahanSean/status/1476999552230166532 Twitter.com] - 31 Dec 2021 [https://web.archive.org/web/20220402192704/https://twitter.com/shahanSean/status/1476999552230166532 archive]</ref> | The next section of the story (18:65-82), in which Moses is taught lessons about justice by a servent of God, is in line with a contemporary genre of literature in which a wandering ascetic is upset by notions of divine justice demonstrated to him by an angel before the events are explained to him. In the section of his book quoted above, Reynolds goes on to highlight the work of Roger Paret who has demonstrated a connection between the Quranic justice story and a version of a sixth or early seventh century CE compilation of monastic tales, the ''Leimon'' (or Pratum Spirituale, Spiritual Meadow) of John Moschus (d. 619 CE).<ref>Ibid. p. 465. This particular tale was part of a supplementary set most likely added by one of Moschus' Palestinian disciples - See [https://twitter.com/shahanSean/status/1511047308070248457 this tweet] by Professor Sean Anthony and the preceding discussion - Twitter.com 2 April 2022 ([https://web.archive.org/web/20220404182553/https://twitter.com/shahanSean/status/1511047308070248457 archive])</ref> The basic structure of this story is identical to the Quranic passage, and has many similarities of detail though also differences.<ref>For an english translation of the relevant passage in the Spiritual Meadow see the screenshots in this tweet by Professor Sean Anthony [https://twitter.com/shahanSean/status/1476999552230166532 Twitter.com] - 31 Dec 2021 [https://web.archive.org/web/20220402192704/https://twitter.com/shahanSean/status/1476999552230166532 archive]</ref> | ||
==Parallels to the Syriac Legend== | ==Parallels to the Syriac Alexander Legend== | ||
In 1889, the renowned scholar and philologist, Sir Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge, translated five Alexander stories from Syriac manuscripts into English. One of these stories was a legend that detailed the exploits of Alexander, the son of Philip the Macedonian, and how he traveled to the ends of the world, made a gate of iron, and shut behind it the Huns so they might not come forth to spoil the land.<ref name="Budge" /> Titled as the Neṣḥānā d-leh d-Aleksandrōs, “the victory of Alexander”, the parallels between this Syriac legend and the story of Dhul-Qarnayn in the Qur'an are detailed below. | In 1889, the renowned scholar and philologist, Sir Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge, translated five Alexander stories from Syriac manuscripts into English. One of these stories was a legend that detailed the exploits of Alexander, the son of Philip the Macedonian, and how he traveled to the ends of the world, made a gate of iron, and shut behind it the Huns so they might not come forth to spoil the land.<ref name="Budge" /> Titled as the Neṣḥānā d-leh d-Aleksandrōs, “the victory of Alexander”, the parallels between this Syriac legend and the story of Dhul-Qarnayn in the Qur'an are detailed below. | ||
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===Dating the Syriac Legend=== | ===Dating the Syriac Legend=== | ||
Representing the old prevailing view, Dr. Reinink, a Near East philogist and scholar, influencially dated the legend to the early 7th century as a piece of pro-Byzantine propaganda, its purpose probably being to win the separated Syrian Christians back to a union with the church at Constantinople. Its final redaction was composed by a Mesopotamian Christian probably in Amid or Edessa, in 629-636 CE after the victory of the Byzantine Emperor Heraclius over the Sasanian king Khusrau Parvez.<ref>{{cite web|url= http://books.google.com/books?id=PtxOXRlPMA0C|title= Gog and Magog in Early Eastern Chrisitan and Islamic Sources|publisher= BRILL|author= Ed. Emeri J. van Donzel, Andrea Barbara Schmidt|page= 18|date= 2010|archiveurl= |deadurl=no}}</ref> | |||
Stephen Shoemaker has discussed the arguments of Reinink, van Bladel and Tesei, but argues that "it would appear that in its current form the Legend almost certainly updates an older version of the Legend that was composed in the early sixth century". | Stephen Shoemaker has discussed the arguments of Reinink, van Bladel and Tesei's early writings on the topic, but argues that "it would appear that in its current form the Legend almost certainly updates an older version of the Legend that was composed in the early sixth century". In his view the hypothetical earlier version would incorporate the main elements of the story up to the first ex-eventu prophecy of the 514-515 CE Sabir Hun invasion mentioned above, which was circulating in the sixth century. Shoemaker states that "a clear majority" of scholars take this view, though Renink's view that the Legend represents a new composition of the 7th century "presently enjoys relative acceptance". Shoemaker notes that unlike Reinink, van Bladel at least attempts to explain the presence of the first prophecy, which holds no importance to the narrative (van Bladel suggests that it served as a verification for 7th century listeners to trust the later prophecies), though like Tesei, he is unconvinced in light of Czeglédy's findings mentioned above. For this and reasons of timing, he finds it most likely that the Quran depends on a 6th rather than 7th century version of the Legend.<ref>Stephen J. Shoemaker, [https://www.google.de/books/edition/The_Apocalypse_of_Empire/w9FwDwAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=PA79&printsec=frontcover The Apocalypse of Empire: Imperial Eschatology in Late Antiquity and Early Islam], University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018, pp. 79-86</ref> | ||
====Strong shift towards a 6th century dating==== | |||
=====Tomasso's Tesei's revised analysis===== | |||
In 2023, Tomasso Tesei revised his earlier opinions in a detailed and well received book ''The Syriac Legend of Alexander's Gate: Apocalypticism at the Crossroads of Byzantium and Iran''.<ref>Tomasso Tesei, ''The Syriac Legend of Alexander's Gate: Apocalypticism at the Crossroads of Byzantium and Iran'', Oxford University Press, 2024</ref> His analysis finds that the Neshana was composed in the mid 6th century during the reign of Justinian, with a later redactor interpolating a short prophecy under the reign of Heraclius. He presents a detailed case which has pursuaded a number of prominent academic scholars including Sean Anthony.<ref>After being asked on x.com on 22 Dec 2023 "Do you find Tesei's dating of the Neshana compelling?" [https://x.com/IanCook321/status/1738002406947029450 (see here)], [https://x.com/ShahanSean/status/1738009790163664896 Sean Anthony replied] "Yes, but it's the whole package, not merely the redating." An account on x.com is needed to view the full thread.</ref> | |||
Firstly, the author of the Neshana has detailed geographical knowledge of the regions of Roman Armenia and its political matters in the 6th century, including the raiding of the area by the Sabir Huns at that time (Alexander's first prophecy, about the year 826 AG /515 CE).<ref>Ibid. pp. 17-20</ref> Tesei argues that the 2nd prophecy about the year 940 AG / 629 CE must be missing some words, as grammatically, it doesn't make sense, and in any plausible reconstruction cannot be about glorifying Heraclius (it was, after all, his Kok Turkic allies who invaded), but rather is an interpolation representing the redactor's hopes that these Huns (who invaded in 629 CE) and the Persians will destroy each other. He further argues that the 826 AG / 515 CE prophecy immediately preceding it makes most sense if composed in a 6th century setting in which there were repeated Sabir Hun invasions, since the text mentions a flaw in Alexander's wall - it is secured to the ground with bolts that have gaps large enough for tunnelling footsoldiers to pass through. This feature, Tesei argues, undermines van Bladel's belief that the entire text has a single author and was occasioned by the 629 CE Hun invasion. Van Bladel has argued that the fulfilled 515 CE prophecy was included merely to lend credence to the 2nd genuine prognostication. As Tesei points out, invasions due to Alexander's flawed defensive wall a century earlier and which played no role in the eschatological drama would be a highly dysfunctional choice to lend credence to Alexander's 2nd prophecy.<ref>Ibid. pp. 30-40</ref> | |||
Tesei also notices an important point about the first prophecy, which actually begins by prophecising an even earlier Hun invasion which subjugated the Romans and Persians, with the shooting of arrows, and returned to their own land. This is a reference to the Hun invasions of 395 CE, but the author seems unable to date it in his prophecy, unlike the much less significant 515 CE (826 AG) invasion. It is understandable that an original author writing within a few decades after the 515 CE invasion would be able to date it precisely, but could only mention without a date the much more significant invasion that had occurred more than a century earlier in 395 CE. It is less likely that an author could correctly date that relatively minor invasion if he was writing the entire Neshana more than a century after 515 CE. Moreover, the elders speaking prior to the prophecies describe the exact territories where the 515 CE Sabir Hun invasions took place and the kinds of damage caused, which suggests the author had likely witnessed their devastation.<ref>Ibid. pp. 41-42</ref> | |||
Also significant are two 6th century writers, John Malasas, who associated the 515 CE Sabir Hun invasion with the Caspian gates, and John of Ephesus, who mentioned the invasion of Gog and Magog (but not the gates) in his own eschatological prophecy.<ref>Ibid. p. 43</ref> | |||
A major indication of a 6th century context for the Neshana is Alexander's negotiation with Tubarlaq, King of the Persains after defeating him. Alexander extracts peace terms including tribute, and having done so, then agrees to military and financial cooperation in defending the Caucasus passes against Hunnic invasion. Tesei argues that this reflects popular concerns, apparent in various 6th century Byzantine writers who sought to assuage them, regarding the deals their own side had made with the Sassanids, as well as the latter's unreasonable demands about sharing security costs. These writers, and their own side's negotiators, had been anxious that peace payments to the Persians should not be perceived as tribute. The Byzantines had also resisted any linking of such payments to demands to share the financial or military cost of defending the Caucasus passes. In the Neshana, Alexander's cooperative agreement reflects the kind of non extortive, mutual assistance pacts these writers claimed had supposedly occurred in the past between the two empires. It ceased to be a hot topic and was never raised again with the Fifty Year Peace deal of 562 CE in which the Sassanid demands were dropped as they agreed to secure the Caucasus themselves and the Byzantines to never invade.<ref>Ibid. pp. 52, 57-59</ref> | |||
Yet another specifically mid 6th century context in the Neshana is identified by Tesei in the otherwise puzzlingly detailed role of the Egyptian blacksmiths. Details of the story serve to justify Byzantine rule over Lazica, close to the Caucasian passes: Both were said to be of Egyptian origin and became vassals to the Neshana's Alexander/the Byzantine empire without paying tribute but only customs duties. The Neshana's blacksmiths provide 7,000 men to help Alexander, the same number that Justian sent to aid the Lazis in their 547 CE anti-Persian uprising. The Lazis were also seen as useful non-Persian allies to defend the Caucusus from the Huns. These mid 6th century political concerns are given a historic parallel in the Neshana's story of Alexander.<ref>Ibid. 59-67</ref> | |||
The rest of Tesei's book argues that various aspects of the Alexander-Tubarlaq story in the Neshana do not fit an early 7th century Heraclius context, but rather reflect the writer's criticisms of Justian's agreements with the Sassanids, while also mocking the latter through the character of Tubarlaq. The story also served to counter specific propaganda from the Syriac Christian leadership, particularly Mar Aba, who interpreted sacred history in ways favourable to their Sassanid rulers. Ultimately, the Neshana's prophecies aim to raise hopes among Syriac Christians that universal rule will transfer to the Romans in the eschatological grand scheme of things. | |||
=====Muriel Debie's analysis===== | |||
In 2024 Muriel Debie, a historian of the Syriac world, similarly dated the Ur-text of the Neshana to the sixth century. Her main reason is that with changing threats, the wall defensive systems against the Huns mentioned in the text had lost their importance after the mid sixth century, and the importance of a Greek (Roman)-Persian mutual defence treaty against the Huns similarly reflects the early sixth century situation. She also argues that the wall construction techniques mentioned in the text are evidence for an earlier dating.<ref>Muriel Debie (2024), ''Alexandre le Grand en Syriaque: Maitre des lieux, des savoirs etdes temps'' (Alexander the Great in Syriac: Master of places, knowledge and times), Les Belles Lettres<BR />For machine translated English of the relevant pages, see [https://www.reddit.com/r/AcademicQuran/comments/1g0naod/muriel_debie_on_the_dating_of_the_syriac/ this Reddit/r/AcademicQuran thread].</ref> | |||
===Dating the Qur'anic Verses=== | ===Dating the Qur'anic Verses=== | ||