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I have been commanded to fight against people so long as they do not declare that there is no god but Allah, and he who professed it was guaranteed the protection of his property and life on my behalf except for the right affairs rest with Allah.}} | I have been commanded to fight against people so long as they do not declare that there is no god but Allah, and he who professed it was guaranteed the protection of his property and life on my behalf except for the right affairs rest with Allah.}} | ||
Hashmi argues that "the religion is for Allah" in 2:193 and "the religion, all of it (l-dīnu kulluhu), is for Allah" in Q 8:39 should be understood not in a religious hegemonic sense, but rather in terms of the oppressed believers (hence, "fitna") not being forced to commit shirk, to include pagan gods besides Allah in their religion. His interpretation is one also mentioned by al-Tabari and Ibn Ishaq. <ref name="HashmiPart1-2hr12to22" /> Looking at the | Hashmi argues that "the religion is for Allah" in 2:193 and "the religion, all of it (l-dīnu kulluhu), is for Allah" in Q 8:39 should be understood not in a religious hegemonic sense, but rather in terms of the oppressed believers (hence, "fitna") not being forced to commit shirk, to include pagan gods besides Allah in their religion. His interpretation is one also mentioned by al-Tabari and Ibn Ishaq.<ref name="HashmiPart1-2hr12to22" /> Looking at the latter verse in context, Q 8:34-39 (shown in the quote below), his interpretation seems possible, though much less obvious than the traditional interpretation of religious supremacy, or more specifically for control of religion at the sanctuary, which is bolstered in later fighting surahs {{Quran|9|33}}, {{Quran|48|28}} and {{Quran|61|9}} (he was sent with the religion of truth to "manifest it over all religion" l-dīni kullihi). In the Quran, l-dīn, usually translated "the religion", probably refers to active rites of worship, especially at the sanctuary.<ref>[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gvNdiq_giew Mohsen Goudarzi: Din, Islam, and Hanif in the Qur’an] - youtube.com - 1 May 2023</ref> | ||
In further support of his interpretation, Hashmi has also argued that wiping out pagan religion would not have been a viable goal at that early, post-migration time period. In support of the timing, it may also be worth noting that the first of 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr's letters states that Q 8:39 was revealed before Muhammad called the remaining Muslims in Mecca to migrate. Later in the same surah, {{Quran|8|72}} has a command to help believers who did not migrate but who seek help in the religion (fī l-dīni) lest there be fitna. | |||
{{Quote|{{Quran-range|8|34|39}}|34 But why should Allah not punish them while they obstruct [people] from al-Masjid al- Haram and they were not [fit to be] its guardians? Its [true] guardians are not but the righteous, but most of them do not know.<BR /> | {{Quote|{{Quran-range|8|34|39}}|34 But why should Allah not punish them while they obstruct [people] from al-Masjid al- Haram and they were not [fit to be] its guardians? Its [true] guardians are not but the righteous, but most of them do not know.<BR /> | ||
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====Compared with the sῑra-maghāzī literature==== | ====Compared with the sῑra-maghāzī literature==== | ||
The Islamic sῑra-maghāzī literature (biographical/expedition narratives) present a picture of forceful conquest or aggressive expeditions towards the end of Muhammad's career or after his death. External sources on early Islam suggest a traumatic experience - in particular Shophronius (d. 639 CE) wrote in 636/637 disparingly of Saracen raids bringing death, plunder, and the destruction of fields, villages and churches, while Thomas the Presbyter (fl. 640 CE) wrote of the "Arabs of Muhammad" defeating the Romans in 632 CE, killing 4000 Palestinian villagers and ravaging the whole region.<ref>Robert Hoyland, '' Seeing Islam As Others Saw It'', Princeton: The Darwin Press, pp. 72-73, 120</ref> It is also worth noting that according to others, archaelogical evidence suggests a less destructive picture. | |||
In his book ''Muhammad and the Empires of faith'' Sean Anthony argues that while the Quran is the primary source, approached cautiously, there is also some value for the study of early Islamic history in the sῑra-maghāzī material. He argues that the initial, formative compilation of this material took impulse from the late Umayyad court (late 7th/early 8th century CE). The corpus of traditions existed independently of the court, but their formation into sῑra-maghāzī works was a product of political intervention. Anthony contends that "the rhetoric of empire in Late Antiquity profoundly shaped this corpus".<ref>Sean Anthony, ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith: The making of the Prophet of Islam'', Oakland CA: University of California, 2020, pp. 175-6</ref> | In his book ''Muhammad and the Empires of faith'' Sean Anthony argues that while the Quran is the primary source, approached cautiously, there is also some value for the study of early Islamic history in the sῑra-maghāzī material. He argues that the initial, formative compilation of this material took impulse from the late Umayyad court (late 7th/early 8th century CE). The corpus of traditions existed independently of the court, but their formation into sῑra-maghāzī works was a product of political intervention. Anthony contends that "the rhetoric of empire in Late Antiquity profoundly shaped this corpus".<ref>Sean Anthony, ''Muhammad and the Empires of Faith: The making of the Prophet of Islam'', Oakland CA: University of California, 2020, pp. 175-6</ref> |